理事長詳細經歷

工運與公民精神接軌－張緒中
摘錄自2000年七月號「天下雜誌」

一般人聽到「張緒中」這三個字，可能感覺有些陌生，但是在工運界及社運界，這是個響叮噹的名字。他在擔任中華電信工會理事長期間，將電信工會由默默無名，改造成工運的火車頭；他的謀略與運動爆發力令對手寢食難安。更重要的是，他打破傳統工運狹窄的視野，將台灣工運與公民精神接軌，也與國際接軌。

留著平頭、一張四方國字臉，張緒中給人的感覺是精悍卻帶有書卷氣，待人謙和有禮，看不出他曾是統御三萬六千名會員的全國第一大工會龍頭。他對工會的認識和實踐，總是跑在時代前端，引領風騷。即使他不在權力的高峰（今年理事長改選輸給資方推派的候選人，轉任常務理事），他仍保有廣大的民意基礎，以及不容忽視的影響力。

走在時代的前端   

在電信工會仍是由國民黨扶植、控制的年代，他就跳出來爭取員工權益，成立國營事業第一個體制外組織「實習員佐權利促進會」，半年內將所有實習員佐全數納入，影響所及，交通事業其他聯誼組織也紛紛效尤成立。

在工會抗爭只關心自身權益滿足的年代，他高唱「工會社會化」，積極參與各種社會運動，如「用腳愛台灣」、「搶救教科文預算」、「全民司法改革」、「萬人連署搶救柴山」等活動。由於他具備了唱作俱佳、氣勢動人的現場營造能力，經常是擔任遊行總指揮的不二人選。

在他心目中，工運不應該是「等到發年終獎金的時候，才出來抗爭」，與社會脈動隔絕。事實上，非營利組織蓬勃發展，市民主義興起，在全球都以成為沛然無阻的力量，工運也是社會運動的一環，藉著相互支援，「教育勞工，追求公平正義的環境」他堅定地說。

於是，他也關心消費者的權益，極力扭轉國營事業員工「既得利益者」的負面形象。譬如他首開風氣，拜訪高雄市消費者保護協會，表達願意協助解決電信用戶的投訴。在理事長任內，發起「尋找中華電信大哥大收訊死角」的活動，獲得各界好評，也讓管理階層測目。

在資本家全球走透透，工運卻局限島內一隅的時候，他積極擴大國際視野，將各國的工運經驗帶回台灣。譬如，他從韓國「民主勞總」看到，每個工會成員都能完整地說出一套工運的歷史，有共同的記憶與悲哀，工會甚至有自己的勞動歌曲、歌星，「當工人有自己的文化，就不容易屈服。」反之，台灣工運往往沒有清楚的歷史觀，「斷斷續續就無法形成價值」，張緒中如此反省，這促使他在工會理事長任內，特別注重勞工教育。

各國工會一同聲援 

國際耕耘不僅擴大了他的視野，提升了他的格局，也成為他對抗國家壓迫的有力武器。
在去年的工會改選中，當時的國民黨政府以各種手段介入工會選舉，企圖操縱選舉結果。張緒中憑藉以扎下的國際人脈，促使「國際通信工會」（CI）秘書長包伊爾（P.Bowyer）及美國「全國總工會」（AFL-CIO）理事長史威尼（J.Sweeney），寫信給前總統李登輝表達嚴重的關切及抗議。

今年，美國各州勞工廳廳長來台訪問，指名要當時已落選的張緒中作陪，並關切他的選情。當時張緒中回答：「我是輸給國民黨。」讓在旁作陪的外交官員，感到尷尬不已。事實上，張緒中的敗選，國民黨強力介入固然是主因之一，「我自己的因素也很大」張緒中坦承。「他不懂細膩的政治操作技巧」，中華電信工會秘書邱毓斌貼身觀察。

全國最大工會的龍頭不懂政治操作？其實是理想主義的個性，以及一板一眼的行事風格使然。在大環境中，張緒中的個人風格可說是「不太合群」。他不抽煙、不喝酒，在擔任理事長時期，每天晚上打地鋪睡在台北的辦公室內；一有空，他愛看企業經營類的書籍，如管理大師杜拉克的書。
他也是個好惡分明的人，勞工如果跟資方亂搞，就不當是自己人；某些人在外喝花酒、報假帳，張緒中往往毫不顧忌地開罵。這在個人操守上雖是理直氣壯，但是在需要政治運作的時候，往往不是朋友就是敵人。「他太強、太清高了，俗語說：水清無魚」，電信工會桃園分會常務理事朱傳炳形容。
尤其是私下喝酒、聊天的政治協調功夫，是張緒中最不擅長的事情。「要嘛就正式會議談，他就是不會跟人私下攪和」邱毓斌說。

張緒中最大的貢獻，是將工運帶入現代化、專業化的層次，願意思考大方向、大問題，在全球化的挑戰下，將電信工會改造成有理想、目標的勁旅。

譬如，他在「反民營化」過程中，不強調員工權益的保障，反而從國家整體利益著眼；他所屬的高雄分會，第一個訂出「員工自律公約」，展現勞工自律、負責的形象。他極為注重工運文化，強調工人覺醒。一進入他的辦公室走廊，就可以看到陳列一排的歷史鏡頭，讓人對工運歷史一目了然。

【人物側寫】張緒中 看企管書搞工運 
【2005-08-12/聯合晚報/13版 – 記者 韓青秀／報導 】

中華電信的釋股作業吵得沸沸揚揚，如今順利進行海內外釋股，轉型為民營公司，令抗議員工激動落淚。率領員工抗爭的靈魂人物電信工會理事長張緒中，也不禁流露出多日奔波後的疲倦神情，不過他重整信心，因為美好的一仗已經打過，接下來他更擔心員工們面臨裁員減薪的困境。

張緒中多年來投入工運，在街頭上聲嘶力竭帶領勞工向前衝。在他一聲號令下，不少員工義無反顧響應罷工，是大老闆眼中的難纏角色。私下的他，卻是謙和有禮，不愛抽菸喝酒，也不喜應酬。 令人意外的是，身為工運的風雲人物，張緒中愛看的書籍竟是企業管理。

張緒中早期曾被視為和民進黨淵源極深，不過民進黨執政後，他多次參與國營事業民營化抗爭，也是抨擊民進黨砲火最強的社運人士之一。由於具備外文系背景，張緒中積極擴大工運的國際視野，甚至遠赴美國開記者會反對民營化。交通部官員承認，工會向美方施壓的作法的確阻擾了中華電信釋股進度，交通部也頭痛不已。

如今中華電信跨過民營化門檻，工會頓失談判籌碼，張緒中沒有留下英雄淚，只淡淡地說，其實他早已預見結局。儘管多數員工為保飯碗，只能默默提供精神支持，張緒中卻仍堅持勞工尊嚴，要奮力一搏。
想到中華電信的未來，張緒中憂心忡忡，因為不乏國營事業在民營化後，新資方完全否認團體勞動協約內容，甚至斷然結束工會的強悍作法，這些在中華電信都可能發生，因此工會還有漫長的路要走。

面對外界批評，中華電信員工根本不知民間疾苦，甚至質疑他們是「貴族勞工」。面對質疑，張緒中極力扭轉「既得利益」的形象。他說，中華電信過去是來自國家資源，一旦民營化，海外釋股就要冒著被假外資、真財團購買的風險，財團透過種種迂迴手段，掌控了全民財產，才是全民的損失。

為勞工的尊嚴而奮戰—專訪中華電信工會理事長張緒中

◎文/黃懿嫻
用union(工會)與onion(洋蔥)，兩個乍看很像的英文單字，比喻工會不只有抗爭與調薪，而是更像辛辣的洋蔥，在各國的餐食烹調中扮演許多功能。這是甫當選中華電信工會第三屆理事長的張緒中，從事工運近20年來，深刻的體悟，也是台灣工會提升的開始。

28歲那年一個國營事業的基層員工，就是因為不滿長官表裡不一的一個單純理由，以年輕沒包袱的優勢，當選中華電信工會代表，而那個人就是張緒中。在民國76年台灣剛解嚴的社會氣候，張緒中受到全國的矚目，自此開始他捍衛勞工權益的天職。在國內的勞工界，張緒中是少數從行政系統出身的意見領袖，由於大學唸的是外語系，凡與國際勞工界互動、為勞工寫起訴書、答辯書、法案的擬定，他幾乎都能一手包辦。

十多年來，從南到北，大大小小只要是為勞工爭取權益的抗爭，幾乎都有張緒中的身影，他的經驗活脫脫是一部台灣的勞工運動史。他開玩笑地說，現在的辦公室，原本被隔成兩間，早期資方還在裡面8的辦公室，監聽外面的工會，經歷了多少工會幹部的努力，以及自己多次遭受暴力威脅，才將隔間的這扇門打開。辦公室裡掛著「骨氣」的墨水字畫，似乎代表中華電信工會之所以獲得台灣勞工界肯定的堅持。

中華電信工會可以成功的轉型，是因為工會做了很多的教育工作，從早期到現在像是社會大學一樣，不斷地邀請各領域的優秀人才，來給工會的會員上課，課程內容相當多元，讓會員發現工會的功能也很多元，這就是為什麼中華電信與其他工會不同的地方，讓員工接觸社會多元的面貌，張緒中覺得這是工會最大的貢獻。

工會社會化、社區化

他說，台灣只要多經歷政黨輪替，意識行態會慢慢降低，真正改變台灣社會的人不可能往兩邊跑，刻意操縱意識行態的政客沒有投機的機會，就是社會力的釋放。像是台灣這幾年做得相當成功的社區營造，在某種程度上其實就是民眾投入非營利組織（NGO）的經營，工人就是社區最重要的份子，如果社區營造會成功，應該是居住在該社區工人（多數的勞方）的覺醒。

生活中所有面臨的工作環境、交通、子女教育、環保、水質等問題，都與每一個工人息息相關，因此他認為，工會的功能不應只是關注調薪的問題，應該是全方位，甚至深入社區、社會與其他領域的工會交流，形成一個網路，工會應將勞工教育成有公民意識、社區意識、關心社會的公民，除了關心自己的調薪、獎金之外，也可以參加社區的活動，與其他的公民結合，一起關心周遭的問題。這種來自於公民的力量，甚或帶給政府強大的壓力產生制衡，張緒中認為有權力不代表有影響力，能像林義雄不講話就能有影響力，台灣的社會如果有進步，就是因為有很多具影響力的人士，這也代表社會力很豐沛˙社會力與非營利組織（NGO）的概念謀合，所以他的下個目標就是鼓勵工會參與社區運動。

手中掌握中華電信工會832億退輔金、40億福利金，龐大的資源，張緒中說幾年下來，工會替其他行業創造了許多經濟利益˙為了替會員權益把關，為了杜絕關說，他不惜向銀行喊話，一旦有行賄的事實，馬上斷絕關係，他甚至推動當選的11位委員都應適用陽光法案，與銀行的往來都必攤在陽光下，就像董事買股票要受監督一樣，他說這是向新加坡學的，很有國際觀的他，常以國外的經驗為借鏡。

韓國當借鏡 

張緒中表示，從政治與工會方面來看，覺得台灣跟韓國很像，雖然台灣大概落後韓國4~5年大抵從1997年台灣解嚴，同年韓國軍事政權垮台後，接位的總統金泳三執政時期正值韓國金融風暴，體制內、外工會結合大罷工，加上天災人禍不斷，金泳三無法繼續連任，1999年金大中當選總統，緊接2000年陳水扁當選總統，兩人都贏30多萬票，金大中的勝選，工會是一個關鍵，這跟當初台灣的工運界力挺陳水扁道理一樣的，希望政權輪替、換一個環境的期待是一樣的。

不同的是，金大中在其改革的過程中，逢兩個兒子因貪瀆案遭起訴的事件，金大中感性的說：「請體諒一個父親，為了從事政治運動40多年，不能陪孩子好好地教育他們，跟大家道歉，我沒有教好我的孩子」。最後兒子入獄，金大中也沒有停止偵辦，張緒中認為，這就是金大中可敬的地方。

三年後韓國真的爬起來了，韓劇、文化事業、網咖，成為世界寬頻、上網普及率最高的國家，決心與魄力讓韓國工人的力量。韓國成功的例子，在於「有魄力的政府」，台灣受限於統獨，耗盡了太多社會成本與時間，連工人都被統獨撕裂，這也就是台灣工會無法堅強的原因。

他說：「任何政黨都不喜歡獨立思考的個人或團體」，但站在為勞工爭取權益的立場，勢必會與執政者有部份衝突，外界對他有很多誤解，他還是堅持拒絕成為政黨的工具，他說台灣的工人應該學習韓國的精神而非技巧，有一天台灣的工人也可以很有尊嚴。

2002年10月 英國Red Paper雜誌—天生反骨專欄
人物專訪：中華電信工會理事長 張緒中 

Simon Chang is leading activist in the independent trade union movement and the growing green movement in Taiwan. He has been president of the telecom workers union and is standing again for election next month. Hilary Wainwright met him at an unprecedented coming together of green activists with trade union organisers funded by Labour Bureau of the city of Kaohsiong. Privatisation is the main issue for the unions.
張緒中 是台灣從事工會自主運動和公益運動的領導人物。他曾經是中華電信工會理事長，在2002年11月即將再度參與工會選舉。記者溫萊特˙希拉蕊(Hilary Wainwright)在一次由高雄市勞工局所贊助，而由工會及公益運動人士的集會中，與張緒中偶然相遇，記者試圖就中華電信民營化相關議題訪問張理事長。下面是這次之訪問內容。

An important moment in your fight against privatisation was when you and the leadership of the union shaved your heads. Why did you do this?
We shave our heads when our parents die. So it is a way of saying that what is happening is very,very serious. We were alerting people to the fact that privatisation might mean they would lose their job and also any chance of democratic control. we got the idea from the independent trade union movement in South Korea, from whom we get much of our inspiration.
問：當你和工會幹部理光頭時，是你對抗中華電信民營化的重要時刻，你為何要這麼做？
答：一個人的身體髮膚受之父母，理光頭是何其嚴肅的事情。但這是一種對事情最嚴厲的表達方式。我們的目的是要讓所有的人了解一件事實，民營化可能使他們失去工作，也可能是獲得經營自主權的機會。我們從南韓的自主工會運動中獲得很大的啟示和觀念。

What is you background?
My father came over from mainland China as once of Chiang Kai-Shek’s troops. I had many arguments with him.
問：能不能談談你的個人背景？
答：我父親是從中國大陸來台的榮民，在他生前，許多方面我就跟他有不同的見解。

What was your first rebellion?
When I first got a job in 1987, I was struck by the fact that many people had never had a wage rise in the whole of their working life. They were people who did climb up the company by doing what it wanted. I began to organise rise. This was the beginning of the independent trade union movement.
問：你的第一次叛逆是何時？
答：中華電信是我的第一份工作。1987年時，眼見我的同事工作認真卻一直沒有機會升遷或加薪，那時我在高雄就開始召集這些人，強烈要求公司能答應調薪。這是我的工會自主運動的開始。

How are you different from the leadership of the old state-controlled trade unions?
We have had to change the image of trade unions completely. The old system was very corrupt. The company gave the trade union leaders a lot of favours. They just drank and talked. This gave them a very bad image. Women were very put off. We are changing this image. We do not drink. We work very had. We are seen as pure. We put a lot of emphasis on educating , involving the members and supporting citizens’ campaigns.
問：你跟過去舊官僚體制國營工會的領導階層有何不同？
答：我們完全改變過去的工會形象。舊體制是非常腐化的。公司過去給工會幹部許多特權好處，工會幹部吃喝玩樂，這是相當不好的形象。過去女性員工對工會事務參與意願低落，我們努力改變這種形象。我們這一群不隨便喝酒、努力工作，因此而被視為有潔癖的一群，我們注重勞工教育，爭取會員權益並積極參與社會公益活動。

The telecom workers’ union seems to play aleading role in integrating red and green issues-what explains this?
Telecom workers have a special status as public servants and intellectuals. We have a lot in common with teachers and cultural workers who are leading the green movement. We feel responsible for the state of our society. And our society is becoming very polluted.
問：電信工會在群眾抗爭及社會公益活動上扮演領導的角色，請你解釋一下。
答：目前中華電信員工仍具有公務人員的身分，而且教育水平很高。我們跟教師及文化工作者所主導的社會公益活動有許多共同處。由於社會污染愈來愈嚴重，我們感覺對社會也有一份責任。

How important are international connections?
Most important. We are creating an informal networks of independent unions across South East Asia. Companies are globalised Trade unions cannot stay at home.
問：工會國際交流很重要嗎？
答：非常重要。我們企圖積極建構亞洲獨立工會非官方的合作網路。全世界的企業都已全球化交流，工會沒有理由一直留在國內不走出去。

Have you been back to mainland China?
I want to go back with the ashes of my father.
It was his wish. But it is difficult for me because the telecom company management is still dominated by the Kuomintang. They accuse me of being pro-China and a communist. If went to mainland China they would use this against me.
問：你回去過中國大陸嗎？
答：未來我會帶我父親的骨灰回去，因為那是他的心願。不過對我來說很困難，因為中華電信公司的管理階層一直在國民黨的掌控之下，他們抹黑我是親中分子、共產黨員，如果我回中國大陸的話，他們將會利用這手段來抹黑我。

What is you attitude to Taiwan’s relationship to China?
Taiwan should have its own sovereignty. It is the only way to achieve a democratic society. I have a fantasy of being part of China.It is so huge and with such variety. But it would need to be on the basis of our own independence.
問：你對台灣與中國的關係態度如何？
答：台灣應該有自己的主權，這是唯一確保國家民主的方法。我嚮往某些中國大陸的景緻。中國地大物博，它是如此壯闊與多變。但是台灣應該有自己獨立的主權。

2003-02-27 / Taiwan News,
Staff Reporter / By Dennis Engbarth

Taiwan’s labor movement received a needed stimulus yesterday when independent long-time labor activist Simon Chang (張緒中) won back the post of chairman of the 28,000-strong Chunghwa Telecom Workers’ Union in indirect elections held yesterday.

Chang became the first non-Kuomintang chairman of the CTWU, one of Taiwan’s most influential public-sector unions six years ago, lost the post three years ago in the face of an intense campaign to oust him by the then KMT government, and regained the chairmanship after supporters won 14 of 27 seats on the CTWU’s board of directors.

In his first term as CTWU chairman, Chang spearheaded a campaign against the privatization of the telecommunications agency and the state sector.

He was also active in the decade-long drive to form Taiwan’s first industrial union movement independent from the official (and KMT) controlled Chinese Federation of Labor (CFL) which culminated in May 2000 with the founding of the Taiwan Confederation of Trade Unions.

During the past three years, Chang has served as managing director of the TCTU, the Kaohsiung City Confederation of Unions and the CTWU.

In an exclusive interview yesterday at the Legislative Yuan, Chang discussed the significance of the election and his views on the future of CTWU, the labor movement, with the Taiwan News.

Taiwan News: How do you evaluate your re-election as CTWU chairman?
Chang: I see today’s result as a victory for unions and people’s organizations, not for myself. When I lost the election three years ago, I felt it was not a personal defeat but a sign that we had not done a good job of carrying out reform.
More importantly, this election was a test of whether people’s organizations could gain independence from political parties or factions. In this case the KMT and even some elements in the governing DPP joined against me, but we won nonetheless. I firmly believe that only if the civic and people’s organizations in Taiwan can become independent of political parties will a genuine civil society in Taiwan become consolidated. Only when elections for leading offices in unions are direct elections by all members can there be guarantees for the autonomy of such organizations from political parties.
I have registered to run for the chairmanship of the Kaohsiung City Confederation of Trade Unions in April, which will be the first time in Taiwan that the chairman of a district union will be directly elected by all the union members, who number about 32,000.

TN: Was not the use of indirect elections in unions and civic societies a system instituted by the former ruling Kuomintang?
Chang: Yes, under the KMT, most civic organizations, including unions, were controlled by the ruling party. The system of indirect elections played a key role as it is far easier to buy people off in such elections than in direct elections by the membership.
This is one of the reasons why we had high expectations of President Chen’s government as we hoped for institutional change in this area.
President Chen did permit the formation of the Taiwan Confederation of Trade Unions in May 2000 even though the Labor Law which still lists the China Federation of Labor as the only “legal” labor federation.
But since then we have not seen signs of more institutional reform in this field from the DPP government, which I believe should follow the president’s example and allow unions to hold direct elections even though the revisions in the union law have been delayed.
In the last two years, the members of the China Steel Workers Union directly elected their chairman and this process and its result were upheld by the Kaohsiung District Court last year. Recently, the chairman of the union at the Aerospace Industry Development Corporation was also directly elected by union members in a very smooth election.

TN: What are your plans once you resume the chairmanship post?
Chang: The most pressing issue for the CTWU is the privatization of Chunghwa Telecom. We believe that the best way to reform and revitalize state-run enterprises is to promote its transition to a corporation with modern management, superior “corporate governance,” and wider union participation in management.
We are not against all sales of stock to the public, but we oppose the sale of shares to “special” investors as this method could easily cause Chunghwa Telecom and other state-run enterprises to fall into the hands of conglomerates.
Unfortunately, there seems to be no difference in the policy of privatization between the DPP government from the KMT, but since the government still owns 81 percent of the official shares, we believe there is still considerable room for discussion.
At least representatives of the unions in companies that face privatization should be included as members of the committee to monitor privatization which has been established under the Council for Economic Planning and Development.
Frankly, I believe President Chen should learn from the newly-inaugurated South Korean President Roh Moo-hyun who believes strongly that unions should be able to participate in management.

TN: How will the results of this election in the CTWU affect its position in the coming presidential election?
Chang: As CTWU chairman, I have no right to decide whether the union should support any presidential candidate or ticket based on my personal preferences. The determining factor in any recommendation that we may make is what the various candidates or parties actually do for labor during the coming year.
The DPP has control over administrative resources and has much room to manifest its commitment to the promises that President Chen made to labor during his campaign, including pressing through passage of the major labor related legislation and structural and institutional reform in union and civil organizations.
Since the KMT and the PFP hold the balance of power in the Legislative Yuan, they also have room to show their sincerity in promoting the needs of Taiwan’s workers.
For example, there are critical labor laws that have been awaiting passage by the Legislature for a long time, including revisions to the Labor Union Law, the law on collective bargaining and the Law on the resolution of labor-management disputes and revisions to the Labor Standards Law.
Passage of these bills, especially the revisions to the union law, have been delayed because of a small number of legislators with vested interests. I plan to hold a public hearing in the Legislature to find out where are the obstacles to passage and how they can be overcome.
The emergence of competition for the votes of Taiwan workers based on the actual performance of the various parties on labor conditions and policy could bring a new dawn for the Taiwan union and labor movement, especially in promoting autonomy from political parties.